We conclude our Osgayefo Kwame Nkrumah series with an evaluation of his political and economic agenda, not only to his native Ghana but the entire Afrikan continent forty-nine years after he was ousted from his position president of Ghana, which occurred just nine years after the leading the country to independence. Nevertheless, nowhere are these discussions more keenly debated than in Nkrumah’s homeland. There are said to be two broad schools of thought on this issue, Danquah-Busia (named after arch Nkrumah rivals J. B. Danquah – the “doyen of Gold Coast politics”and former Nkrumah ally Kofi Abrefa Busia) and Nkrumahist. An example of the former is attorney and counselor at law, Dr. Samuel Adjei Sarfo, who in his Gahanaweb.com articles The Brutal Dictatorship of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, parts I and II, asserts:“Nkrumah’s enduring legacy to this country is its instability, fake democracy, extreme sycophancy and bad governance… Nkrumah lacked the qualities of a true leader and therefore left no legacy of leadership for Ghana!”
Similarly, Peter Antwi Boasiako in How Nkrumah disintegrated Ghana with Cruelty and dictatorship, opines:
“Nkrumah and his CPP government deliberately disintegrated the very fabrics of Ghana with oppression, hatred, intimidation and injustice, and above all, the moral degradation and corruption that surfaced the CPP govt.”
Moreover, no lesser figure than internationally renowned historian, the late Prof. Ali Mazrui suggests: “Nkrumah started as a democrat, but ended as a dictator.” Critics point to the 1957 Emergency Powers and Deportation Acts, the 1958 the Preventive Detention Act (PDA), the 1959 Constitution (Amendment) Act and the 1964 referendum as examples of Dr Nkrumah’s malfeasance. The fact that the PDA included a provision for the arrest without trial up to five years and the 1964 referendum was the basis for the declaration of the one party state in 1965, leads critics to claim that Kwame Nkrumah set the tone for dictators to follow on the Afrikan continent such that for many now Afrikan leader, tyrant, dictator and corrupt have become virtual synonyms.
Nkrumahists like Francis Kwarteng in his article: J.B. Danquah And Co.: The Case For The Preventive Detention Act, argue that opponents, while conspiring with the colonial forces (e.g. see J. B. Danquah Was A CIA Asset! By Nana Akyea Mensah), undertook an extensive and sustained campaign of terror by opposition forces (e.g. National Liberation Movement and subsequently the United Party) that began pre-independence (1955) and included coup plots, several assassination attempts on Kwame Nkrumah as well as, according to Ekow Nelson and Dr. Michael Gyamerah in their article: The origins and the case for preventive detention in Ghana, taking the lives of 30 Ghanaian men, women and children and leaving 300 wounded.
It has also been suggested that critics of the one party state model in Nkrumah’s Ghana not only fail to take into account the facts of the Ghana model but also (whether implicitly or explicitly) elevate the western (e.g. Westminster) version of democracy as the highest form of political formation, irrespective of whether it is appropriate. Indeed, Kwarteng, citing Dr. Botwe-Asamoah’s book Kwame Nkrumah’s Politico-Cultural Thought and Policies, notes: “Nkrumah’s CPP government Nkrumah as the only leader in Ghana’s entire political history holding the record for appointing the “largest” number of opposition members to his cabinet (although Kofi Busia declined the invitation). In fact Nkrumah did this in addition to encouraging responsible and effective opposition.” The inference here is that while Kwame Nkrumah’s critics decried the lack of democracy, it was the case that his opponents were soundly beaten at the polls again and again to the extent that they defied the will of the people and embarked upon an extremely undemocratic campaign of violence. As Francis Kwarteng surmises:
“Thus, the NLM became a front for political losers like Busia and Danquah to revive their political careers. It is in this context that Prof. Ninsin’s statement “But the aim was not to liberate the country but themselves as a group from imminent political extinction.”
Some commentators have queried whether the theatre of European democracy, with its intermittent shuffling of the pack (government) every four to five years is the best approach for a new nation striving to implement a stable foundation. Kwame Nkrumah advanced a bold vision for Ghana and Afrika that initially bore fruit. Economic growth in the first years of government ranged between 9% and 12%. From this foundation, the government presented its seven year economic plan in March 1964. The plan advanced “a mixed economy in which a vigorous public and cooperative sector will operate along with the private sector,” with scope for foreign investment:
“Foreign investment enterprises will contribute personal initiative, managerial ability and technical skills towards the development of the country. They will also further the growth of similar initiative, ability, technical skills and habits of saving among Ghanaians. We welcome foreign investors in a spirit of partnership. They can earn their profits here, provided they leave us an agreed portion for promoting the welfare and happiness of our people as a whole as against the greedy ambitions of the few. From what we get out of this partnership, we hope to be able to expand the health services of our people, to feed and house them well, to give them more and better educational institutions and to see to it that they have a rising standard of living.”
So we ask the question,
Did Nkrumah’s one party state set the stage for tyrant dictators in Afrika?
- Was Kwame Nkrumah a dictator or a liberator?
- What are the characteristics of dictators in Afrika?
- Was the Preventive Detention Act really necessary?
- Did Kwame Nkrumah’s opponents engage in terrorism?
- Is western style democracy an appropriate model for Afrika?
- Did the coup derail a viable economic programme for Ghana and Afrika?
- Does the interim National Afrikan People’s Parliament advocate the one party state model?
Our special guests are:
Bro. Ldr. Mbandaka: Resident guest who is Spiritual Leader of the Alkebu-Lan Revivalist Movement and UNIA-ACL Ambassador for the UK. A veteran activist of over 30 years standing, a featured columnist in The Whirlwindnewspaper and author of Mosiah Daily Affirmations and Education: An Africentric Guide To Excellence.
Dr. Kwame Osei: is a well-travelled Afrikan Historian, Writer, Political Commentator and Entreprenuer that has been on study tours to Kemet, Australia and India. He has written over 100 articles that have appeared in a range of international publications and outlets including BBC, Black Britain, New African Magazine, as well Ghanaian journals The Daily Graphic, The Catalyst and Public Agenda. Bro. Kwame also presenter on Insite Radio (www.insiteradio.info), where he hosts a weekly magazine show on Saturday afternoons called Inside Afrika.
Bro. Mutta Kilimanjaro: is a historian, trader, broadcaster and colunmist. He possesses an BA Hons in Politics and an Msc in both Politics & Society and Global Politics. Bro. Mutta currently serves as Executive Advisor to One Aim, an Afrikan-Centred development organisation. Bro. Mutta co-host (with Bro. Mbuta Anu) the Street Chat on Umoja (Sun) nights on Galaxy Radio, 102.5FM / www.galaxyafiwe.com.
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