We reflect on the recently ended Afrika Liberation Day (ALD) season to assess where the liberation agenda is at. Some of the recurring themes at the events attended by Afrika Speaks in London and Birmingham included the recognition of the centrality of Afrikan spirituality and culture as a foundation of our liberation orientation as well emphasising that roles can no longer simply be ‘conferred’ on women and young people, they must be integral to every level of liberation organising.
Yet it is questionable whether ‘liberation’ is on the agenda of the majority of Afrikan people today. Although this was very different from the origins of ALD in the UK. The event in 1977, two years after the Pan-African Congress Movement (PACM) established its ALD observance, it attracted “Britain’s largest gathering ever of black people at that time,” and was captured by photographer Vanley Burke for posterity. (1) , Arguably, one of the factors, although often unacknowledged, for the relative popularity for events like ALD in the 1970s compared to now is that Rastafari was at its peak in the UK at that time. (2) Rastafari particularly attracted young people back then due to its promotion of Black pride, Black nationalism a framework of resistance and a call for repatriation. (3)
Thus, one might query whether the fortunes of liberation activism in the UK are linked to the profile of Rastafari. While that may be an over-simplification it is worth noting that the, albeit well established Reparations Movement received a massive boost from the Rastafari Movement UK inspired Reparations March in Mosiah (Aug) 2014. (4)
Nevertheless, some commentators are attempting to join the sometimes seemingly disparate dots, to the extent of identifying “something of a comeback among 20 and 30 something-year-old black Britons” for Pan-Afrikanism. (5) Journalist Rianna Raymond Williams is particularly encouraged by the establishing of The Centre of Pan-Afrikan Thought, founded by Bro. Nigel Stewart in 2016 to challenge the view that the philosophy is no longer relevant to black people today:
“The Centre for Pan-African Thought is an educational space for Africans of the diaspora to critically assess, understand and develop the ideas of prominent black thinkers, activists and scholars, both past and present, with the aim of to improving the cultural, socio- economic and political standing of the black community.
It is a community of intellects and thinkers who share their essays, videos and research on original and contemporary Pan-African theory published on the centre’s website. It also offers an opportunity for individuals to learn about history and use it to shape their future.” (6)
We can also find some of this enthusiasm in the Motherland through the likes of Michael Amoah, Visiting Fellow at the Firoz Lalji Centre for Africa, The London School of Economics and Political Science. He cites a “New Pan-Africanism” that has:
“Moved beyond the romanticised independent anti-colonial nationalisms of the late 1950s and early 1960s led by champions or nationalist leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. Contrary to mainstream theorising that the course of nationalism is usually led by leadership, with the masses just tagging along, there is currently a new wave of ‘people power’ uprisings or protest movements, one of which unseated the head-of-state right away (Burkina Faso in 2014), and subsequent others which have yielded significant changes to the status quo (Sudan and Algeria in 2019) albeit ongoing.” (7)
Whereas Amoah, recognises the challenges to Pan-Afrikanism on the continent manifested through the economic drain caused by conflicts in places like Libya, South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali and Central African Republic, he puts strong emphasis of the negative impact of “extended presidential terms.” (8) However, it is by no means clear whether fixed presidential terms or other paeans to European democracy would have prevented the 674 Military Operations the USA carried out on the continent in the space of a year. (9)
However, not every contemporary commentator is sold on the viability of Pan-Afrikanism. Dr Kehinde Andrews, Associate Professor of Sociology at Birmingham City University laments in the epilogue of his 2018 book, Back To Black: Retelling Black Black Radicalism for the 21st Century:
“I have always been invested in Pan-Africanism as the solution to Black Struggle. That the opposite was true was a difficult but necessary realisation.” (10)
From Du Boisian paternalism through to the compromises that forged the Organisation of African Unity that were gifted to its successor the African Union, Dr Andrews asserts that Pan-Africanism is neo-colonial in essence but the ideology has benefitted from its association with other forms of radicalism but classing these as Pan-Africanism does them a disservice. (11) Pan-Afrikanism is not the only philosophical perspective that finds itself in his crosshairs. He also speaks of the invalidity of Afrocentrism and Cultural Nationalism, in large part due to the “poisonous” influence of Maulana Karenga and his controversial role in the politics of 1960s. (12)
Other critics of Pan-Africanism include Yvette Carnell, co-founder of the social media phenomenon #ADOS (American Descendants Of Slaves:
“Pan-Africanism really still lives within us as kind of a self-esteem booster, rather than any kind of real political exchange or any real political ideology… We have this kind of relationship with America that causes some people to say they don’t have a country. No, you have a country. We just have a country that is abdicating our responsibility to us, but we still have a country … We’re American. We’re not Pan-African. We’re not African. We’re American. We’re Black American descendants of slaves. We are as American, if not more American, than anybody else” (13)
Critics of #ADOS and Carnell suggest they are “ahistorical”, “divisive” and “want to join the U.S. empire, not fight the power.” This latter point has been given some credence given Carnell’s role as a board member on Progressives for Immigration Reform (PFIR), a right-wing think tank led by noted White nationalist John Tanton. Tanton is a who also heads the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), an organization that has been accused of connections to eugenicists and American and is supported the likes of “White nationalists” Jeff Sessions, Iowa Congressman Steve King, Donald Trump advisor Stephen Miller. (14)
Carnell defended her involvement in PFIR by claiming:
“I joined the PFIR board to advocate for the style of politics I’m doing right now, which promotes an #ADOS justice claim and our primacy to other “people of color” & immigrant groups in general.” (15)
One commentator dismissed #ADOS as “pathological negroes fighting hyphenation” meaning that in spite of the heinous historical and contemporary experience of Afrikans in the USA, they still just want to be American, without hyphen, prefix or suffix. For his part Dr. Conrad Worrill, who served for many years as chairman of the National Black United Front is clear that #ADOS should be described as a ‘Movement’:
“This is why I don’t use the term ‘movement’ to describe them. I call ADOS a hashtag entity and a social media phenomenon. A movement has boots on the ground. Movements carry out work on a day to day basis by organizing, convening meetings and using that energy as their base and foundation. The whole ADOS thrust, at this point, has been a hashtag. A movement is a sacred term. Movements mean that strategies are being created that bring people together face-to-face, and in this stage of history, social media advocacy can be leveraged to link the work being done on the ground. The ADOS hashtag has done none of that. It doesn’t have an organizational base on the ground.” (16)
A counterpoint the #ADOS perspective in the USA is provided by the African Union’s Ambassador to the USA, H.E. Dr. Arikana Chihombori-Quao, who advances an unequivocal message of unity between Afrika and its diaspora, not only for healing purposes but also for the economic well-being of Afrikans globally, based on the recognition of Afrika as our “primary anchor.” (17)
In the latter stages of his life, Omowale Malcolm X self-defined as “Black Nationalist freedom fighter.” (18) At the time of his death he was developing the Organisation of Afro American Unity (OAAU), assisted by the likes of Babas John Henrik Clarke and Yosef Ben-Jochannan. (19) And it is the model of the OAAU that Dr Andrews finds is:
“The perfect vehicle for the Black radical politics we need, combining local concerns with a global politics of Revolution. The blueprint is there and has been for the last fifty years. There is a reason the organisation has been wiped from the collective memory of Malcolm X.” (20)
The Programme of the OAAU including among its basic aims and objectives Self-determination and National unity. Its basic unity programme consisted of: Restoration, Reorientation, Education, Economic security and Self-defense. Their programme detailed both their national and worldwide concerns. (21) These principles have been embraced by organisations that regard themselves as Pan-Afrikan, including the Alkebu-Lan Revivalist Movement (https://www.alkebulan.org/whatisalkebulan/).
Whether the differences are ideological or semantic, all would agree that any effective strategy needs people. Few, if any liberation organisations have a pool of thousands attending their events to draw from like in the 1970s, so organisations have to be creative to attract support. One seemingly natural source of activists is the children of existing activists. It’s subject that doesn’t attract a great deal of discussion but there does appear to be a significant amount of anecdotal data indicating that the children of activists tend not to follow in the footsteps of their activist parents.
There could be myriad reasons for this but one that shouldn’t be ruled out is state intervention – especially if the activist is widely known. For example, Fred Hampton Jr, whose Black Panther was executed by the FBI while he was still in his mother’s womb fifty years ago proclaims:
“I am clear that I have been targeted, I am a victim of continued counterinsurgency. A lot of people think counterinsurgency was solved in 1972. I was targeted since I was born. Still, in the eyes of the state, being the son of Fred Hampton is a crime.” (22)
Similarly, while admitting that he is nowhere near as active as his father Kwame Ture, son Bokar has also revealed he is regularly under state surveillance. (23)
A more troubling case involves the grandson of Omowale Malcolm X, Malcolm Shabazz who was evolving into his activism. In 2013 after a period of harassment and incarceration by the authorities, fearing that he was being targeted for state assassination Malcolm Shabazz wrote an open letter to the community on March 9th, that included the passage:
“As I stand for the people, God-Willing, I would pray that the same people wouldn’t hesitate to stand for me. If these unjust & heinous actions are tolerated & allowed to be done to me without recourse, then no one is safe.” (24)
Two months later he brutally murdered in Mexico in profoundly disturbing circumstances. (25)
Such occurrences are designed to instil fear but Warrior Scholar Mama Marimba Ani, who advocates “World Afrikan Sovereignty” counsels us to gain the courage to overcome the fear and embrace the collective vision and mission of World Afrikan Sovereignty:
“Afrikan Sovereignty is not for ‘individuals.’ Afrikan Sovereignty is a collective endeavour. It means committing our lives to bring about absolute and total Afrikan power. It requires sacrifice. Everything that is valuable and good for the race requires sacrifice. To build this movement and to realise these goals, we will have to prepare our children. We will have to be trained and we will have to train others. And we will have to plan. We dropped the compass that Marcus Mosiah Garvey gave us. But we can pick it up again. And we can learn to read the clock of ourstory to tell ‘our time of day.’ It’s World Afrikan Sovereignty Time!” (26)
(1) Caroline Raphael (17/06/18) The untold story of African Liberation Day. https://www.voice-online.co.uk/article/untold-story-african-liberation-day
(2) Makonnen Sankofa (2019) The Rise Of Rastafari: Resistance, Redemption & Repatriation. Peaches Publications. p. 65
(3) Sankofa. p. 63-4
(4) Rastafari Movement UK (16/04/15) The Journey Newsletter. rastaites.com/download/rmuk/RMUKjourneyApril2015.pdf
(5) Rianna Raymond Williams (23/01/18) How Pan-Africanism Is Making A Return Today. https://www.voice-online.co.uk/article/how-pan-africanism-making-return-today
(6) Ibid.
(7) Michael Amoah (28/03/19) The New Pan-Africanism: Globalism and The Nation State In Africa. https://nationalism-studies.sps.ed.ac.uk/2019/03/28/the-new-pan-africanism-globalism-and-the-nation-state-in-africa/
(8) Ibid
(9) Nick Turse (14/04/15) The US Carried Out 674 Military Operations in Africa Last Year. Did You Hear About Any of Them?. https://www.thenation.com/article/us-carried-out-674-military-operations-africa-last-year-did-you-hear-about-any-them/
(10) Kehinde Andrews (2018) Back To Black: Retelling Black Black Radicalism for the 21st Century. Zed Books. p. 296
(11) Andrews p. 37-66
(12) Andrews p. 120-1
(13) Bryan 18X Crawford (27/05/19) ADOS Its origins, troublesome ties and fears it’s dividing Black folk in the fight for reparations. https://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/National_News_2/ADOS-Its-origins-troublesome-ties-and-fears-it-s-dividing-Black-folk-in-the-fight-for-reparations.shtml
(14) Ibid.; Alex Kotch (20/03/17) Steve King’s White Nationalism is Echoed in the White House. https://www.pastemagazine.com/articles/2017/03/steve-kings-white-nationalism-is-echoed-in-the-whi.html
(15) Crawford. Op. cit.
(16) Ibid.
(17) Arikana Chihombori-Quao (07/09/18) African Union Ambassador Calls for closer ties with the African Diaspora in the Americas. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aFELNcfUo5I
(18) Omowale Malcolm X (12/04/64) The Ballot or the Bullet. http://americanradioworks.publicradio.org/features/blackspeech/mx.html
(19) Autodidact 17 (26/06/14) 50th anniversary of the founding of Malcolm X’s OAAU. http://amsterdamnews.com/news/2014/jun/26/50th-anniversary-founding-malcolm-xs-oaau/
(20) Andrews. p. 277-8
(21) The Organization of Afro-American Unity (1965) Program of the OAAU. https://www.malcolm-x.org/docs/gen_oaau.htm
(22) Adam Langer (09/07/98) Radical Without A Cause. https://www.malcolm-x.org/docs/gen_oaau.htm
(23) Bokar Ture (09/11/18) Interview at AAPRP/PASCF Kwame Ture Tribute event.
(24) Malcolm Shabazz (09/03/13) Statement by Malcolm Shabazz concerning February 2013 harassment. http://malcolmshabazz.blogspot.com/2013/03/statement-by-malcolm-shabazz-concerning.html
(25) Bro. Ldr. Mbandaka (2014) Anniversary of Malcolm Shabazz assassination and the US conspiracy to stop the rise os a “Black Messiah.” The Whirlwind, Edition 11, p. 4-5.
(26) Mama Marimba Ani (04/05/19) World Afrikan Sovereignty: Our compass and our clock The Afrikan World, Vol. III, No. 1, p. 2.
we ask the question:
Where are tomorrows Activists coming from?
1) Have you noticed a resurgence in Pan-Afrikan activity? If so where?
2) Is there less young people involved in activism than in previous years?
3) Is Pan-Afrikanism “a self-esteem booster” rather than “a real political ideology”?
4) Is Pan-Africanism really the solution to “Black Struggle” or another ideology?
5) What are the challenges for the children of activists following in their parent’s footsteps?
Our Special Guest:
Minister Malak: is a minister within the Afrikan World Federation