We continue our reflection of Afrika Liberation Day by extending the discussion from the previous show. Guest Brother Minister Malak of the Afrikan World Federation gave a strong account of young activism in the here and now, whilst acknowledging that the onslaught against prior generations inhibited a tangible legacy being left for his one (https://www.mixcloud.com/AfrikaSpeaks/where-are-tomorrows-activists-coming-from-030619/).
There was also some contention about the correct ideology to be use to liberate our people. The first instalment on this theme explored how the likes of Birmingham academic Dr Kehinde Andrews and the #ADOS movement in the USA do not regard Pan-Afrikanism as a viable approach while others dismiss it as a petty bourgeoisie philosophy adopted by those who wish to, at best, reform existing structures, largely for the benefit of an exalted few.
Yet, most widespread ideologies (or religions for that matter) are replete with variations (or denominations or mansions/houses) and Pan-Afrikanism is no different. It has it has been applied to varying degrees to different movements and initiatives in recent centuries. Presently, some of its critics argue that it cannot be both a reformist and radical ideology. For example, the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP) assert, “Pan-Africanism cannot be a philosophy of Jacob Zuma, Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Marikana’s workers at the same time.” (1)
It is true that some activities ostensibly carried out in the name of Pan-Afrikanism were decidedly not liberation oriented. Indeed, the Pan-Afrikan Congresses organised by W.E.B. DuBois, namely one to four between 1919 and 1927, were arguably only held to counter the rise of Garveyism that was flourishing globally at the time. DuBois attested to this himself:
“The Pan-Afrikan Congress is for conference, acquaintanceship and general organisation. It has nothing to do with the so-called Garvey Movement and contemplates neither force nor revolution in its programme.” (2)
But these congresses, are seen as key stages in Pan-Afrikan movement when in fact they were not. Being anti-Garvey and anti-revolution in intent they must been as an attempt to co-opt and misdirect Pan-Afrikanism, even though DuBois’ name seems to be eternally linked to the philosophy. We might contrast the fifth Pan-Afrikan Congress with the first four as this one did advance an independence programme. W.E.B. DuBois, though in attendance, had nothing to do with its organising. (3)
Consequently, the APSP argue for African Internationalism rather than Pan-Africanism, for which they cite DuBois as a key exponent. They regard Marcus Mosiah Garvey as a key exponent of the former, in fact the person that “created the first modern international African liberation movement” in contrast to the reformist and disparate ideas that preceded him. (4)
Yet there is also a case for locating Marcus Garvey in the trajectory of early Pan-Afrikanists, even if he brought an organizational dynamic that eluded his forebears. Philosophically, in many instances, they were on the same page. A quarter of a century before Marcus Garvey was even born, Edward Wilmot Blyden declared the following:
“I am grieved to notice how much intelligence, how much strength and energy is frittered away in those trifling employments, which if thrown into Africa, might elevate the millions of that land from their degradation, tribes at a time and create an African power which would command the respect of the world, and place in the possession of Africans, its rightful owners, the wealth which is now diverted to other quarters.
We need some Africa power, some great center of the race where our physical, pecuniary, and intellectual strength may be collected. We need some spot whence such an influence may go forth in behalf of the race as shall be felt by the nations. We are now so scattered and divided that we can do nothing.” (5)
What Blyden and Garvey recognised is that liberation is not possible unless power is central to the equation. Some commentators may define Pan-Afrikanism through the lens of the African Union (AU) and its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). In its ideal iteration, the AU would unite the entire continent into “a strong, united and influential global player and partner, with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, shared values and ethics, whose development is people-driven, relying on the potential of African people, especially its women and youth, and caring for children, integrated, politically united and based on the ideals of Pan-Africanism and the vision of Africa’s Renaissance.” (6)
As laudable as it this sounds, the likes of Baba Chinweizu posit this, continentalist orientation is destined to fail:
“Continentalism, with all its projects – OAU/AU, USofAfrica, is the mortal enemy of Black Africans. Those Blacks who are deluded into thinking that Afro-Arab unification would be good for Black Africans would do well to find out just how rosy life has been for those blacks who have lived under Arab colonialism since the 1950s, and especially in Darfur and South Sudan, where the blacks have taken up armed struggle to escape Arab colonialism and racism.” (7)
Baba Chinweizu advocates a “neo-Garveyite development of Pan Africanism for the 21st century” that he calls “Black Power Pan Africanism” that doesn’t require the uniting of the nation states on the continent, “just one Black African country, big and industrialized enough, and therefore powerful enough to be of G-8 rank, a country that could serve as the core state– protector and leader—of Global Black Africa.” This could also be a regional bloc like ECOWAS or SADC. (8)
But Chinweizu is clear that no current government has the profile for this task. There would need to mass mobilization to compel nation heads to act. And there are reports that on the ground, many young people in Africa are increasingly becoming aware of their own political and economic environment:
“The quest for freedom amongst African youth led to the establishment of associations such as “Y’en a Marre” in Senegal, “Balai Citoyen” in Burkina Faso, “Filimbi” and “La Lucha” in the DRC and “Ca Suffit comme ca” in Gabon.” (9)
So clearly evidence exists of a Pan-Afrikanism that is attracting young people that have been:
“At the forefront, forging continental unity through cross-border travel and social media. In this digital era, social media has turned into a popular platform to interact and engage in debates. For instance, as South Sudan recently plunged into political in-fighting and the Central African Republic was on the brink of a religious conflict, twitter hash tags and Facebook posts were used to convey messages of peace. On Facebook alone there are hundreds of pan-African groups. Some are popular with thousands of members; such has the Pan-African Network, the Pan-African Movement Reborn, “˜Pan-African Fundamentalism’, “˜Being Pan-African’, the Center of Pan-African Culture, etc. etc.” (10)
While such use of social media is welcome, the inherent dangers of using mediums that are proven to be ambivalent (at best) to Afrikan concerns should be acknowledged. (11) An even more positive step would be to use Afrikan-Centred social media like www.abibitumi.com.
Like Baba Chinweizu, the Alkebu-Lan Revivalist Movement advance a Pan-Afrikan philosophy that is rooted in Garveyism:
“PAN-AFRIKANISM: The total Liberation and reunification of Afrika and all Afrikan people and the establishment of one continental and global Afrikan-Nationalist government and Ma’atian (Maat – Truth, Justice, Righteousness, Harmony, Balance Reciprocity & Order) world order. There are 3 central themes of PAN-AFRIKANISM which include:
• AFRIKA FOR THE AFRIKANS AT HOME AND ABROAD: – All descendants of Afrika are its only natural and rightful citizen’s, owners and rulers and must therefore reaffirm this legacy.
• LOOK TO AFRIKA: – All Afrikan people must be Afrika focused, spiritually, culturally, politically, economically and intellectually, as the only authentic source of our philosophy.
• ONE JAH, ONE AIM, ONE DESTINY: – All Afrikans are one, in blood and spirit and must thus unite continentally and globally, towards one spiritual, cultural political.”
Clearly, a sound, clearly articulated philosophy is the necessary foundation. But any ideology is only as good as its practical application. No one knew or demonstrated this better than Marcus Mosiah Garvey. Any movement that fails to acknowledge and apply this will not only more than likely start at a deficit but probably stay there.
(1) African People’s Socialist Party (16/06/16) African Internationalism is NOT Pan-Africanism! African Internationalism is the theory of the African working class!. http://apspuhuru.org/2016/06/14/african-internationalism-is-not-pan-africanism-african-internationalism-is-the-theory-of-the-african-working-class/
(2) Olatunji Heru (12/08/09) Garvey vs DuBois: Treachery or Ideological Differences? Mosiah Month Presentation
(3) Ibid.
(4) African People’s Socialist Party. Op. cit.
(5) Edward Wilmot Blyden (1862) The Call of Providence to the Descendants of Africa in America in Wilson Jeremiah Moses (Ed) (1996) Classical Black Nationalism: From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey. New York University Press. p. 193-4
(6) Brand SA Research (21/09/15) The African Union & Agenda 2063 Summary & Overview. https://www.brandsouthafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/brandsa/2013/08/Research_Note_Agenda_2063_Overview1_21_9_15.pdf
(7) Chinweizu (2007) Garveyism not Continentalism is what Black Africa Needs. http://www.worldafropedia.com/afropedia/Garveyism_not_Continentalism_is_what_Black_Africa_Needs!!
(8) Ibid
(9) African Arguments (30/06/15) The rise and paradoxes of pan-Africanism today. https://africanarguments.org/2015/06/30/the-rise-and-paradoxes-of-pan-africanism-today/
(10) Ibid.
(11) Jessica Guynn (30/04/19) Facebook while black: Users call it getting ‘Zucked,’ say talking about racism is censored as hate speech. https://eu.usatoday.com/story/news/2019/04/24/facebook-while-black-zucked-users-say-they-get-blocked-racism-discussion/2859593002/
we ask the question:
Where are tomorrows Activists coming from? Pt 2
1) Who has the authority to define what Pan-Afrikanism is?
2) Is there only one, singular definition of Pan-Afrikanism?
3) What role can social media play in activism?
4) Why have we not been able to effectively replicate the programme of Marcus Garvey/UNIA-ACL?
Our Special Guest:
Bro. Ldr. Mbandaka: Resident guest who is Spiritual Leader of the Alkebu-Lan Revivalist Movement and UNIA-ACL Ambassador for the UK and national co-Chair of the interim National Afrikan People’s Parliament. Bro. Ldr is a renowned Afrikan-Centered Education Consultant and educator and is a veteran activist of over 30 years standing. He is a featured columnist in The Whirlwind newspaper and author of Mosiah Daily Affirmations and Education: An African-Centred Guide To Excellence.