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On 22 March 2016 activist Sikhosiphi Bazooka Rhadebe, chairperson of Amadiba Crisis Committee (ACC), was gunned down outside his house by unidentified assailants purporting to be police officers.

ACC is an advocacy group established in 2007 to campaign for the rights of the residents of the Xolobeni Community in Eastern Cape, Azania (South Africa) whose main campaign was opposing open-cast mining of titanium in the Xolobeni area by Mineral Commodities Ltd (MRC), an Australian-owned mining company.  Campaign group Frontline Defenders argue:

“For several years, members of the ACC, with the help of local residents, have resisted attempts by Mineral Commodities Ltd (MRC), an Australian-owned mining company, and its local subsidiary, TEM, to access the titanium-rich Xolobeni coastal dunes, arguing that the mining venture will lead to their forced removal from their land and threaten their livelihoods. More than 100 civil society organisations from across South Africa have called for the suspension of all mining permits in the area pending an outcome of the probe into the murder of the Sikhosiphi Rhadebe.” (1)

The shooting came on the day that Bro. Rhadebe was checking on the welfare of ACC colleagues whose names were discovered on a “hit list” that his name was on the top of. In response to claims by fellow activists of an escalation of violence and intimidation against local opponents the mine, MRC denied any role in the murder, stating it was:

“Not in a position to comment with any authority on the incident but any claims it was in any way implicated were simply unfounded.  Despite our own internal enquiries, we are no further informed as to any of the specific facts surrounding this incident other than what has been reported.  The company does not condone violence in any form and it is tragic that a man has lost his life regardless of the circumstances, which … are yet to be established.  This company will not engage in any activity that incites violence.  The company will cooperate fully with any investigations into this incident and takes this opportunity to extend its condolences to the family and loved ones of Mr Sikhosiphi Rhadebe.” (2)

However, fellow activist Mzamo Dlamini, who is also believed to be on the “hit list,” expressed reservations at any police investigation in light of their failure to act when committee members and mining opponents were “repeatedly raided by pro-mining thugs”. (3)

In the wake of the Marikana massacre in 2012 where police shot dead 34 miners at the Lonmin platinum mine, no one has been charged or held responsible even though the subsequent inquiry recommended a criminal investigation amid allegations that the ANC government was protecting the interests of multinational corporations over and above those of the people of south Africa.  Although in September last year the government did announce that it would pay compensation for the slain miners (4), the families still pressed ahead with a legal case against deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa, a shareholder and non-executive director of Lonmin. (5)

Mining continues to be exponentially profitable for the hundreds of multinational corporations in Azania, so arguably any compensation would most likely be a drop in the ocean for these companies.  In fact “since gold was first discovered in Lejweleputswa (Johannesburg) in 1886, about half of the gold mined on earth was extracted from beneath greater Lejweleputswa.” Yet ‘reward’ for the masses of Afrikans remains poverty, pollution, ill-health and death. (6)

So for many the 22 years of ANC government have failed to deliver meaningful change for Afrikan people in the country.  It is a sentiment shared by the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), the party founded by former ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema in 2013.  According to their manifesto:

“The post-1994 government has maintained the apartheid and white-supremacist state, with the consequence that the majority, in effect, have become a voting, but powerless, majority. The conditions of the people are generally deplorable and show no evidence of a liberated people. Most of the people of South Africa have to engage in mass action or service-delivery protests to receive attention from government. Some resort to criminal activities, and a majority suffer in silence with the hope that conditions will change for the better. The post-1994 government will not change the conditions of the people for the better and is poisoned by the arrogance of power and the related sins of incumbency. The post-1994 government has lost its capacity to understand the aspirations of the people, hence deepening neglect and violence against the people, from the brazen abuse of power by political authorities and the sheer disregard of the voice of the people.” (7)

As remedy EFF advocates “Nationalisation of mines, banks, and other strategic sectors of the economy, without compensation,” measures wholly rejected by the government.

Over the border in neighbouring Zimbabwe, the ZANU-PF government is engaging in a different strategy – indiginisation that it describes as:

“a deliberate involvement of indigenous Zimbabweans in the economic activities of the country to which prior to18 April 1980, they had no access, so as to ensure equitable ownership of the nation’s resource.  Indigenisation is a national approach which seeks to benefit all indigenous citizens as outlined above. The following measures have been instituted to ensure broad based participation by a broad spectrum of the indigenous Zimbabwean population.” (8)

The deadline for foreign companies to comply with the indiginisation plan, i.e. transferring 51 per cent of their shares to local entities or individuals, passed on April 1st.  Indiginisation was a key part of ZANU-PF’s 2013 election campaign that swept them to power over the MDC but critics say that it could discourage much-needed foreign direct investment.